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U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics Selected Findings November 1994, NCJ 149259 This report summarizes the following Department of Justice statistics about violence between intimates: *The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) produces estimates of violence that victims perceive to be crimes and are willing and able to report to survey interviewers. Violent crimes included in the NCVS are rape, robbery, and assault. (Murder is not measured because of the inability to question the victims.) *Data about murder are from two sources: the FBI's Supplemental Homicide Report from the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program and a Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) study of 1988 murder cases from prosecutors' files in large urban counties. *Information on police policies and units for domestic violence is from the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics survey (LEMAS). *Information about confined violent offenders was collected in the 1989 Survey of Inmates in Local Jails and the 1991 Survey of Inmates in State Correctional Facilities. Additional detail and methodological explanations about each of these datasets are contained in the publications listed.
Violence between intimates includes those murders, rapes, robberies, or assaults committed by spouses,ex-spouses, boyfriends, or girlfriends. In this report, intimates are distinguished from-- *other relatives (parent, child, sibling, grandparent, in-law, cousin) *acquaintances (friend, someone known) *strangers. Violence between intimates is difficult to measure; it often occurs in private, and victims are often reluctant to report incidents to anyone because of shame or fear of reprisal.
According to an analysis of the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) from 1987-91, intimates commit an annual average of 621,015 rapes, robberies or assaults representing over 13% of all of these violent victimizations. In the NCVS in 1992, 51% of the victims of intimate violence were attacked by boyfriends or girlfriends, 34% were attacked by spouses, and 15% were attacked by ex-spouses. In 1992, 54% of the general population age 12 and over were married, 30% were never married, 10% were divorced, and 7% were widowed. Most violence between intimates is assault: the intentional inflicting of injury on another person. In 1992, 81% of the violent victimizations committed by spouses and ex-spouses were assaults. The remainder were rapes and robberies, which also may have involved assault.
According to the FBI's Crime in the U.S, 22,540 murders were committed nationwide in 1992. The relationship between the victims and the offender was known in 61% of these murders and unknown in 39%. About 15% of the murders where the relationship between the victim and the assailant was known involved a victim described in police records as an intimate spouse, ex-spouse, boyfriend, girlfriend) of the killer. (See methodological note for further information about these data.) Of those murders where the relationship between the victim and the killer was known, about 10% involved the killing of a spouse or ex-spouse and nearly 6% involved the killing of a boyfriend or girlfriend. Females are more likely than males to be victims of violence by intimates Annually, compared to males, females experienced over 10 times as many incidents of violence by an intimate. On average each year, women experienced over 572,000 violent victimizations committed by an intimate, compared to approximately 49,000 incidents committed against men.
Sex of victim
Victim-offender -------------------
relationship Female Male
Intimate 572,032 48,983
Other relative 117,201 75,587
Acquaintance 796,067 1,268,506
Stranger 71,114 1,182,307
Source: BJS, Violence Against Women: A National
Crime Victimization Survey Report, 1994
Women are much less likely than men to become
victims of violent crime in general, but they are
more likely than men to be victimized by intimates,
such as husbands or boyfriends. Men are more
likely than women to be victims of violence
perpetrated by acquaintances or strangers.
Sex of victim
Victim-offender -------------------
relationship Female Male
Intimate 5.0 .5
Other relative 1.0 .7
Acquaintance 8.0 13.0
Stranger 5.0 12.0
Source: BJS, Violence Against Women: A National
Crime Victimization Survey Report, 1994
Women were more likely to be raped or assaulted by
an acquaintance than by an intimate, another
relative, or a stranger. Robbery was the only
non-fatal crime in which women were more likely to
be victimized by strangers rather than intimates,
other family members, or acquaintances.
In over 90% of the violence by intimates recorded
in the NCVS from 1987-91, the victim was female.
Victim-offender Percent of all victims
relationship who were female
Intimate
Spouse 93%
Boyfriend/girlfriend 91
Ex-spouse 89
Other relatives
Child 78
Brother/sister 59
Other relative 57
Parent 52
Unspecified 28
Other known offender 38
Stranger 32
Source: Highlights from 20 Years of Surveying
Crime Victims: The National Crime Victimization
Survey, 1973-92, 1993
An estimated 1,432 females were killed by intimates
in 1992 according to the FBI's Crime in the U.S.
Female victims represented 70% of the intimate
murder victims. About a third of all female murder
victims over age 14 were killed by an intimate
compared to 4% of male murder victims. The
wives-to-husbands ratio for spousal murder differs
for blacks and whites: 59% of black victims of
spousal murder were wives while 74% of white
victims were wives.
* * * * *
Race
-----
White and black women had equivalent rates of
violence committed by intimates and other relatives
(about per 1,000 persons).
Ethnicity
---------
Hispanic and non-Hispanic females had about the
same rate of violence attributable to intimates, 6
per 1,000 persons.
Age
----
Women age 20 to 34 had the highest rates of violent
victimization attributable to intimates (16 per
1,000 persons) of any age group.
Education
---------
Women who graduated from college had the lowest
rates of violence attributable to intimates (3 per
1,000 persons) compared to women with less than a
high school education (5 per 1,000), high school
graduates, (6 per 1,000) or women with some college
(6 per 1,000)
Income
-------
Women with family incomes under $9,999 had the
highest rates of violence attributable to an
intimate (11 per 1,000 persons) and those with
family incomes over $30,000 had the lowest rates (2
per 1,000).
Marital status
--------------
Divorced or separated women had higher rates of
violence by intimates (16 per 1,000 persons) than
women who never married (7 per 1,000) or married
women (1.5 per 1,000).
Location of residence
---------------------
Women living in central cities, suburban areas and
rural locations experienced similar rates of
violence committed by intimates.
Source: BJS, Violence Against Women: A National
Crime Victimization Survey Report, 1994
* * * *
About 1 in 5 females victimized by their spouse or ex-spouse reported to the NCVS that they had been a victim of a series of 3 or more assaults in the last 6 months that were so similar that they could not distinguish one from another. For assaults in general in 1992, fewer than 1 in 10 victimizations involved this type of victimization.
During the past five years, rates of intimate rapes, robberies and assaults for both male and female victims have been constant According to the NCVS between 1987 and 1992, the rate of violent victimizations committed by intimates varied little from the average annual rate of 5 per 1,000 for females and 0.5 per 1,000 for males. The proportion of all violence committed by intimates was also consistent during the period: about 27% of all violence against females and about 2% of all violence against males.
In the mid-1970's the National Academy of Sciences
evaluated the NCVS for accuracy and usefulness.
While the survey was found to be an effective
instrument for measuring crime, reviewers
identified aspects of the methodology and scope of
the NCVS that could be improved. Many of the
recommendations resulted in improvements to the
measurement of domestic violence.
Within the categories of violent crime measured by
the NCVS, the redesign will produce fuller
reporting of those incidents that involved
intimates or other family members.
The redesigned questionnaire was implemented into
100% of the sample in June 1993 and an initial
release of the data was made at the end of October,
1994. Regular processing of the NCVS data results
in a release of the analysis of the detailed
variables including victim-offender relationship
several months after the initial release.
Therefore, no data from the redesign are included
in this report.
Additional information about the redesign of the
NCVS and the changes in domestic violence questions
is presented at the end of this report.
* * * * *
The murder rates for both male and female intimates
have declined; the rate for males dropped the most,
falling in half from 1977 to 1992.
During the last 15 years--
*The ratio of male to female victims of intimate
murder fell
In 1977, 54% of the murder victims who were killed
by intimates were female. By 1992, the ratio of
female to male victims had changed, with 70% of the
victims being female. In other words the number of
male victims fell from 1,185 in 1977 to 657 in 1992
and the number of female victims increased from
1,396 to 1,510 during the same period.
*Murder rates of young black females killed by
intimates declined
For black female victims of intimate murder age
18-34, the rate fell from 8.4 per 100,000 in 1977
to 6 per 100,000 in 1992. During the same time
period the rate for white females age 18-34
remained relatively constant (1.4 per 100,000).
(James Alan Fox, Domestic Homicide in America:
Trends and Patterns for 1976-92, unpublished paper,
June 23, 1994).
*The ratio of black husbands to black wives killed
fell
In 1977, more black husbands were killed than black
wives. In 1982, the same pattern prevailed, but by
1992, fewer black husbands were killed than black
wives. For whites, wives have consistently
outnumbered husbands as victims of intimate murder.
* * * * *
For rape, robbery, and assaults recorded in the NCVS, 18% of the women victimized by intimates faced an armed offender, compared to 33% of those victimized by strangers, 22% by other relatives, or 21% by acquaintances. Of the intimate victimizations where weapons were present, 40% involved knives or sharp instruments, 34% involved guns, 12% involved blunt objects, and 15% involved other weapons. Strangers, compared to other types of offenders, were more likely to be armed with guns. Most murders of intimates are committed with firearms According to the FBI's Supplemental Homicide Reports in 1992, 62% of the murder victims known to have been killed by intimates were shot to death. Firearms were most frequently used to kill-- *wives and ex-wives (69%) *husbands and ex-husbands (61%) *girlfriends (60%). Boyfriends were more often killed with knives (54%) than firearms (41%). The proportion of murders involving firearms was smaller for victims killed by intimates (62%) than for victims killed by strangers (75%) or acquaintances (69%). For all types of victims killed by firearms, most are killed by handguns. Over three-quarters of the firearms used to kill intimates were handguns. Wives and girlfriends were more likely than other types of victims to have been killed with shotguns. Some murder victims are also armed. In a study of murder cases in large urban counties in 1988, about 15% of the victims killed by spouses were armed with a gun, knife, or other weapon.
According to the NCVS, about 3% of the women who
were victimized by intimates received serious but
nonfatal injuries. This proportion was similar to
that for women victimized by other relatives,
acquaintances, or strangers.
About 54% of the women victimized by intimates
received minor injuries. Women victimized by other
relatives, acquaintances, or strangers were less
likely to sustain minor injuries.
If the attacker was an intimate rather than a
stranger, injured women were also more likely to--
*receive medical care (27% vs. 14%)
*require hospitalization (15% vs. 8%).
For rape victims, however, the outcome was
different: women who were raped by a stranger
received injuries in addition to the rape itself
more often than women raped by someone whom they
knew.
Most women who are victims
of intimate violence took some
form of self-protective action
The NCVS data show that 80% of women victimized by
an intimate took some form of self-protective
action, including 40% who took a physical action
and 40% who took a passive/verbal action. Of women
victimized by intimates, the proportion who used
self-protective action was about the same as that
for women victimized by strangers, acquaintances,
or relatives other than intimates. The proportion
of women who used physical self-protection such as
fighting back was higher for women victimized by an
intimate than for women victimized by a stranger
(40% vs. 20%).
Of women who tried to protect themselves against
intimate attackers--
*over half believe their self-protective behavior
helped the situation
*almost a quarter believe their actions actually
made the situation worse.
* * * * *
Reporting to the police by females victimized by
nonstrangers increased to equal theeporting by
females victimized by strangers
For all violent victimizations--
*victims of all types report about half of their
victimizations to the police
*since 1973, the percent reported to the police
increased.
Female victims of violence--
*are more likely to report to the police than male
victims
*are reporting an increasing proportion of both
stranger and nonstranger crimes.
Female victims of violence by intimates--
*report over half of their victimizations to the
police
*are about as likely to report to the police as
those female victims who were attacked by other
relatives or strangers.
* * * * *
According to the NCVS, the most frequent reason female victims of intimates gave for not reporting to police was that they believed the incident was a private or personal matter. The reason for not reporting most often given by females victimized by strangers was that they felt the incident was minor and might not be considered a crime. Almost 6 times as many women victimized by intimates (18%) as those victimized by strangers (3%) said that they did not report their violent victimization to police because they feared reprisal from the offender. Half of the female victims attacked by intimates said that the most important reason they reported to police was to punish the offender and another quarter said that the most important reason was to stop or prevent this from happening to "me or others." The most common reasons given for reporting by women victimized by nonintimates were similar to those given by women victimized by intimates.
Victims reported to the NCVS that police respond to over three-quarters of all reports by females victimized by intimates, as well as by aquaintances, other relatives, or strangers by coming to the crime scene. According to victims' perceptions, the police responded within 5 minutes in 36% of the victimizations where the offender was a stranger, in 25% where the offender was an intimate, in 24% where the offender was a relative other than an intimate, and in 24% where the offender was an acquaintance. Police take a report in over two-thirds of all incidents of violence reported, regardless of the victim-offender relationship. However, the police are more likely to take a formal report if the offender is a stranger (77%) rather than an intimate (69%), other relative (67%), or acquaintance (70%). Police question witnesses in about the same proportion of violent victimizations of females, regardless of the victim-offender relationship. Searching the scene for evidence occurs more often when a stranger rather than an intimate or other known offenders committed the crime.
According to the 1990 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics Survey (LEMAS), 93% of the large local police agencies (agencies with more than 100 officers) and 77% of the sheriffs' departments have written policies concerning domestic disturbances. In addition, 45% of the large local police agencies and 40% of the sheriffs' departments have special units to deal with domestic violence. As of 1992, 14 States and the District of Columbia had laws mandating arrest in crimes of domestic violence. (Barbara J. Hart, Esq., "State codes on domestic violence: Analysis, commentary and recommendations," Juvenile & Family Court Journal, National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges, 43:4, 1992). The States with mandatory arrest laws include Arizona, Connecticut, Hawaii, Iowa, Louisiana, Maine, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Washington, and Wisconsin. To legally arrest a suspect, police are required to obtain an arrest warrant from a judge before arresting a suspect unless they are able to show at the time of the arrest they had probable cause to believe the suspect had committed the crime. Warrantless probable-cause arrests in cases of domestic violence are authorized in 47 States and the District of Columbia. Most State codes permitting warrantless arrests for domestic violence crimes also instruct police to inform victims of certain rights including the availability of protection orders, shelter or emergency facilities, and transportation.
In a study of murder cases in large urban counties
in 1988, of defendants who killed their spouse--
*almost 60% were male
*77% were over age 30.
By comparison, of defendants in nonfamily murders--
*93% were male
*65% were under age 30.
Over half of the defendants who killed their spouse
had a prior criminal history. However, they were
less likely to have a prior criminal history than
defendants who killed nonfamily members. Also,
they were less likely than nonfamily murder
defendants to be unemployed (25% vs. 37%) but more
likely to have a history of mental illness (12% vs.
3%).
Most defendants in spousal murder cases
are convicted
In the study of murder cases in 1988 in large urban
counties, about 80% of the defendants in spousal
murder cases were convicted or pleaded guilty.
Outcomes of murder cases where the defendant killed
a spouse are similar to the outcomes of nonfamily
murder cases.
* * * * *
Time and place of the murder
----------------------------
Over a third of the victims of spouses were killed
during the day. Comparatively, a quarter of the
nonfamily murder victims were killed during the
day. About 86% of victims who were killed by
spouses were murdered at home, a proportion similar
to other victims of murder by a family member.
About a fifth of nonfamily murder victims were
killed at home.
Number of victims
------------------
Most defendants who murdered their spouse killed
no one else at the time. Of the defendants accused
of killing a spouse, 2% killed more than one
victim. The proportion of defendants accused of
killing more than one victim was 13% when one of
the victims was a parent, 12% when one of the
victims included a child, and 5% when the victims
were unrelated to the defendant.
Victim involvement
-------------------
About 23% of the murdered spouses precipitated the
incident by provoking the defendant with a deadly
weapon, a nonlethal weapon, or other physical
contact such as hitting with fists or pushing.
Nonfamily victims were about as likely to have
precipitated the incident as spouses.
Alcohol use at the time of the murder
-------------------------------------
Over half of the defendants accused of murdering
their spouse had been drinking alcohol at the time
of the offense. Nonfamily murder defendants were
more likely to have been drinking. Also, almost
half of the victims of spousal murder had been
drinking alcohol at the time of the offense, about
the same proportion as the nonfamily murder
victims.
Time to arrest
--------------
Over 62% of the defendants accused of murdering
spouses were arrested on the day of the crime.
About 32% of the defendants accused of killing
nonfamily members were arrested on the day of the
crime.
Source: BJS, Murder in Families, Special Report,
NCJ-143498, July 1994.
* * * * *
There are differences in outcomes of cases where a
woman is accused of killing her husband and those
where a man is accused of killing his wife
In spousal murder cases in large urban counties in
1988, women defendants were more likely than men
defendants to have their cases--
*diverted, rejected or dismissed (12% vs. 9%)
*result in an acquittal (13% vs. 1%).
Of those accused of killing their spouses--
*41% of the men and 31% of the women were convicted
at trial
*46% of the men and 38% of the women pleaded
guilty.
Persons convicted of killing their
spouses were about as likely as
other murderers to be convicted
on the most serious arrest charge
Of those convicted in large urban counties in 1988,
spousal murderers were less likely than nonfamily
murderers to be convicted of first-degree murder or
other types of murder (47% vs. 58%) and more likely
to be convicted of voluntary/nonnegligent
manslaughter (43% vs. 29%)
For convicted murderers, the most serious
conviction offense was--
*first-degree murder for 18% of the women who
killed their husbands and 24% of the men who killed
their wives
*voluntary/nonnegligent manslaughter for 54% of the
women who killed their husband and 37% of the men
who killed their wives.
Most convicted murderers are
sentenced to a prison term,
regardless of their relationship
to the victim
The study of murder cases in large urban counties
in 1988 found some sentencing differences between
murderers convicted of killing their spouses and
other murderers:
*Of the men convicted of killing their wives, 94%
were sentenced to prison, including 15% who were
sentenced to life terms. Women who killed their
husbands were less likely to receive a prison
sentence: 81% were sentenced to prison, including
8% who received a life term.
*Spousal murderers were more likely than nonfamily
murderers to be sentenced to probation rather than
incarceration (9% vs. 3%). Of the women convicted
of killing their husbands, 16% were sentenced to
probation compared to 5% of the men who killed
their wives.
Of those convicted of spouse murders,
men receive longer prison sentences
than women
In large urban counties, the average prison
sentence length on a murder or nonnegligent
manslaughter conviction (excluding life sentences
or the death penalty) was--
*17.5 years for men convicted of killing their
wives
* 6.2 years for women convicted of killing their
husbands.
* * * * *
Of the 328,000 State prisoners
incarcerated for a violent offense
in 1991, 7% had victimized an intimate
*Like the prison population, 7% of jail inmates
serving sentences in 1989 for violent offfenses had
victimized intimates.
*Most violent State prisoners were incarcerated for
crimes against strangers.
*87% of the State prisoners incarcerated for
robbery victimized a stranger.
Source: BJS Survey of Inmates in State
Correctional Facilities, 1991.
* * * * *
Almost two-thirds of the violent State prisoners
who victimized intimates were convicted
of murder or assault
*Of violent State prisoners who victimized
intimates, 35% were convicted of murder and 30%
were convicted of assault.
*48% of the violent State prisoners who victimized
their spouses were convicted of murder.
*Over a quarter of the State prisoners who
victimized a boyfriend or girlfriend were convicted
of rape or other sexual assault.
Source: BJS Survey of Inmates in State
Correctional Facilities, 1991.
* * * * *
The background characteristics
of prisoners who victimized intimates
were similar to those of prisoners
convicted of similar crimes
who victimized nonintimates
In 1991, of violent State prisoners who victimized
intimates--
*about half grew up living with both parents
*12% had lived in a foster home at some time
*22% reported some physical or sexual abuse
*31% had parents who abused drugs or alcohol
*35% had a family member who served time in prison
or jail.
Female prisoners are more likely
than male prisoners to have
harmed an intimate
In 1991, of the State prisoners incarcerated for
violent crimes excluding robbery, over a quarter of
the female prisoners and a tenth of the male
prisoners harmed an intimate. About a third of the
female prisoners incarcerated for homicide killed
their husband, ex-husband, or boyfriend.
Two-thirds of the State prisoners
incarcerated for harming intimates
had a criminal history
In 1991, of those male prisoners with violent
offenses against intimates--
*30% were first offenders (persons who had not been
sentenced to probation or incarceration prior to
this conviction)
*34% had a previous conviction for a violent
offense
*36% had a previous conviction for a nonviolent
offense.
This pattern was similar to that for violent male
prisoners with other types of victims.
In general, violent female prisoners were more
likely than violent male prisoners to be first
offenders. For female prisoners incarcerated for
intimate violence the pattern is the same:
*72% were first offenders
*13% had a previous conviction for a violent
offense
*15% had a previous conviction for a nonviolent
offense.
Female prisoners with violent offenses against
intimate victims were more likely than those who
victimized others to be first offenders (72% vs.
52%).
Sentence lengths of State prisoners
who victimized intimates are similar
to those who attacked nonintimates
In 1991, the average sentence length for State
prisoners convicted of violence other than robbery
was about 20 years. Of those prisoners convicted
of violence against intimates--
*16% were sentenced to 5 years or less
*14% were sentenced to 5 to 10 years
*50% were sentenced to 10 or more years
*20% were sentenced to life terms or the death
penalty.
The proportion of female prisoners convicted of
violence against intimates who received life terms
or the death penalty (33%) is higher than that for
male prisoners convicted of violence against
intimates (19%) and that for female prisoners who
victimized nonintimates (22%). This difference is
probably attributable to the higher proportion of
female prisoners who victimized intimates being
convicted of some form of homicide.
How long do State prisoners
who victimized intimates
expect to stay in prison?
Most State prisoners are released from prison
eventually: some before their entire sentence is
served through parole or good time provisions, the
rest when their sentences expire. State prisoners
who victimized intimates and those who victimized
others share similar expectations about how long
they will serve. For State prisoners who
victimized intimates--
*60% expected to serve at least 5 years.
*the average time expected was about 9 years.
Bureau of Justice Statistics
Criminal Victimization in the United, 1992,
NCJ-145125, March 1994.
Highlights from 20 Years of Surveying Crime
Victims: The National Crime Victimization Survey,
1973-92, NCJ-144525, October 1993.
Violence Against Women, NCJ-145325, January 1994.
Murder in Families, Special Report, NCJ-143498,
July 1994, and special analyses of the dataset.
Sheriffs' Departments 1990, Bulletin, NCJ-133283,
February 1992.
State and Local Police Departments 1990,
NCJ-133284, February 1992.
Survey of State Prison Inmates, 1991, NCJ-136949,
March 1993, and special analyses of the dataset.
Profile of Jail Inmates, 1989, Special Report,
NCJ-129097, April 1991.
Women in Jail, 1989, Special Report, NCJ-134732,
March 1992.
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Uniform Crime Reports
Crime in the United States, 1977-92 annual.
Special analyses of the Supplementary Homicide
Reports, 1992
Other
James Alan Fox, Domestic Homicide in America:
Trends and Patterns for 1976-92, unpublished paper,
June 23, 1994.
Barbara J. Hart, Esq., "State codes on domestic
violence: Analysis, commentary and
recommendations," Juvenile & Family Court Journal,
National Council of Juvenile and Family Court
Judges, 43:4, 1992
Methodological note
Since nearly 4 in 10 murders reported by law
enforcement have an unknown victim-offender
relationship, it is possible that they may
distribute in the same way as known cases,
especially if the unknown cases disproportionately
occur in some jurisdictions due to poor reporting
of this variable. However, it may also be the case
that unknown assailants are more likely to be
reported in cases where the victim and offender
have no prior relationship, indicative of a higher
prevalence of stranger murders. In light of the
substantial fraction of murders with unknown
victim-offender relationships, readers are urged to
use caution in estimating the proportion of murders
occurring between intimates.
* * * * *
Marianne W. Zawitz of the BJS staff prepared this
report. Substantial assistance was provided by
Patsy Klaus, Ronet Bachman, Patrick Langan, Helen
Graziadei, and Caroline Wolf Harlow of the BJS
staff.
November 1994, NCJ-149259
* * * * *
Additional details about the redesign
of the National Crime Victimization Survey
The redesign of the NCVS
In the mid-1970's the National Academy of Sciences
evaluated the NCVS for accuracy and usefulness.
While the survey was found to be an effective
instrument for measuring crime, reviewers
identified aspects of the methodology and scope of
the NCVS that could be improved. They proposed
research to investigate the following:
*an enhanced screening section that would better
stimulate respondents' recall of victimizations
*screening questions that would sharpen the
concepts of criminal victimization and diminish the
effects of subjective interpretations of the survey
questions
*additional questions on the nature and
consequences of victimizations that would yield
useful data for analysis *enhanced questions and
inquiries about domestic violence, rape, and sexual
attack to get better estimates of these
hard-to-measure victimizations.
The redesign has improved the measurement
of domestic violence
Respondents may be reluctant to report acts of
domestic violence as crimes, particularly if the
offender is present during the interview. In
addition, victims may not perceive domestic
violence as discrete criminal acts but as a pattern
of abuse. Though these issues still pose
measurement problems, the redesigned screening
section includes explicit questions about incidents
involving family members, friends, and
acquaintances. Screening questions also include
multiple references to acts of domestic violence to
encourage respondents to report such incidents even
if they do not define these acts as crimes. The
survey staff review these reported incidents using
standardized definitions of crimes. Thus, within
the categories of violent crime measured by the
NCVS, the redesign will produce fuller reporting of
those incidents that involved intimates or other
family members.
A comparison of the old and new
questionnaire illustrates the
expanded cues that help a respondent
recall an incident
New
2. People often don't think of incidents committed
by someone they know. Did you have something
stolen from you OR were you attacked or threatened
by--
a. Someone at work or school --
b. A neighbor or friend--
c. A relative or family member--
d. Any other person you've met or known?
3. Did you call the police to report something
that happened to YOU which you thought was a crime?
4. Did anything happen to you which you thought
was a crime, but did NOT report to the police?
Old
2. Did you call the police to report something
that happened to YOU which you thought was a crime?
3. Did anything happen to YOU which you thought
was a crime, but did NOT report to the police?
END OF FILE
The source for the above statistics is the Department of Justice at:
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/pub/bjs/ascii/vbi.txt